Original Article
INA MOVEMENT IN MANIPUR AND PEOPLE’S PARTICIPATION
INTRODUCTION
The emergence of
nationalism in Manipur was neither sudden nor uniform; rather, it evolved
gradually as a response to colonial domination, political marginalisation and
socio-economic disruption during the early decades of the twentieth century
(Dena, 2016). As a consequence of the Anglo-Manipur War of 1891, Manipur was
brought under British paramountcy, leading to the erosion of indigenous
political authority and the imposition of colonial administrative structures
that fundamentally altered the region’s political landscape. For several
decades after this event, resistance to colonial rule remained fragmented and
largely un-organised, manifesting more as sporadic expressions of discontent
than as sustained political movements. However, the early 20th century
witnessed the gradual emergence of political consciousness shaped by new
educational opportunities, exposure to print culture, and interaction with
broader anti-colonial ideas circulating in British India.
Nationalism as an
idea developed in Manipur developed in the 20th century which gained momentum
with the foundation of the Nikhil Hindu Manipuri Mahasabha in 1934. The
Mahasabha provided the first organised political platform for articulating
popular grievances against colonial rule and local administrative injustices.
The period between 1934 and 1948 witnessed the establishment of a plethora of
organisations such as Manipur Praja Mandal, Kabui
Association, Kuki National Assembly, Manipur Krishak Sabha Party, Manipur Youth
League, Students’ Federation and Manipur Mahila Sanmelani
which were social, religious and political in character. These organisations
varied in composition, ideology, and objectives. However, they all shared a
common objective – to bring an end to British imperialism and the injustice
meted out to the people by the colonial rulers and collectively represented an
expanding social base of political mobilisation that cut across caste, gender,
occupational, and ethnic lines Kamei
(2016).
The fourth session
of the the Nikhil Hindu Manipuri Mahasabha held on
29th and 30th December, 1938 at the Chinga Ground,
Imphal was presided by Hijam Irabot.
There he raised the slogan “Bande Manipur Mataram”
which was a watershed moment in the political history of Manipur. The adoption
of the slogan “Bande Manipur Mataram” symbolised the
assertion of a collective political identity and the convergence of regional
aspirations with all-India nationalist idioms Dena (1991). The demands for a full responsible
government in Manipur and a single administration for the hills and the valley
were also put forward. The Mahasabha became the most influential party with its
democratic ideas and expanded its network among the people.
Parallel to these
political developments were women-led movements that further radicalised
nationalist sentiment. The resistance of Manipuri women against the colonial
policy of exporting rice outside the state emerged as a significant episode in
anti-colonial mobilisation. The export of rice resulted in scarcity and rising
prices, aggravating economic hardship among the population. Women’s collective
protests against this policy not only addressed immediate economic concerns but
also demonstrated the capacity of women to act as political agents, thereby
broadening the social base of nationalism Lokendra
(1993).
By the early
1940s, Manipur thus possessed a politically charged environment characterised
by organised political activity, popular discontent, and heightened receptivity
to militant forms of resistance. It was within this historical context that the
Indian National Army (INA) movement entered Manipur during the Second World
War, profoundly influencing both the political consciousness of the people and
the region’s place in the broader narrative of India’s freedom struggle.
Methodology
This study adopts
a historical and analytical approach based on both primary and secondary
sources. Primary sources include memoirs, diaries, archival documents, and oral
testimonies preserved in regional archives and private collections. The direct
contact method has been employed to collect personal narratives that supplement
documentary evidence. Secondary sources consist of scholarly monographs,
research articles, and historical studies relating to modern Manipur, the
Second World War, and the Indian National Army. The collected data have been
critically analysed and contextualised within the broader framework of colonial
politics and wartime geopolitics.
Objectives
The present study
aims to examine the significance of the INA movement in Manipur with particular
reference to local participation and leadership. The specific objectives are as
follows-
1)
to
analyse the political and social conditions in Manipur that facilitated support
for the INA movement.
2)
to
highlight the role played by prominent Manipuri personalities in the INA
movement.
3)
to
examine the nature of popular participation in the INA campaign in Manipur.
4)
to
assess the impact of the INA movement on nationalist consciousness and
anti-colonial mobilisation in Manipur.
Results and Discussion
INA movement and its march towards Manipur
The Indian
National Army (INA) was formed in Singapore in 1942 under the leadership of
Captain Mohan Singh, initially by recruiting Indian prisoners of war captured
by the Japanese army. Its objective was to liberate India from the yoke of
British imperialism. The basic structure of the INA as the military wing of the
Indian Independence League was conceived at a conference convened from 28th to
30th March, 1942 at the Sanno
Hotel in Tokyo chaired by Rash Behari Bose. It deliberated over the
dissemination of activities of India’s independence movement in Southeast Asia
and India. The conference aimed to coordinate overseas Indian nationalist
activities and to integrate military action with the broader goal of
independence Sarkar
(1989).
Subash Chandra
Bose took reins of the INA in 1943 after his arrival in Singapore. He also won
the support and assurance of Hideki Tojo, the Prime Minister of Japan and
introduced some changes in the activities and administration of the
organisation. The number of soldiers who volunteered for the INA swelled up
soon as he assumed the organisation’s leadership. Recruitment to it was also
opened to civilians who were given training mostly in Malay. He designated the
brigades of the INA after Mahatma Gandhi, Jawaharlal Nehru, Maulana Azad,
himself and Jhansi Rani Lakshmibai, which was an all-women regiment. The
formation of the all-women Jhansi Rani Regiment marked a radical departure from
conventional military practice and symbolised the inclusive nature of the
anti-colonial struggle Shanti
Devi (2002).
A special
operations unit called the Bahadur Group was formed within the INA and tasked
with frontline intelligence and to operate behind enemy lines. Bose
deliberately declined to be assigned a rank in the army and therefore soldiers
of the INA and civilians addressed to him as Netaji (“Dear Leader”) thereby
reinforcing his role as a political leader guiding a national liberation
movement rather than a conventional military commander.
The INA fought
alongside the Japanese army against the British in World War II. The British
were gradually forced to retreat from Burma northwards toward Manipur in the
direction of India. This served to be a great opportunity for the INA as there
was a prospect of entering British India’s territory. Netaji then shifted the
Provisional Government of Free India to Rangoon, the capital of Burma, from
where the INA made the first shot of India’s independence when it launched a
campaign code named Ha-Go with the Japanese forces on the Arakan Front on 4th February, 1944. The Gandhi Regiment of 2800 men, commanded
by Zulmara Singh, fought in Arakan.
INA in Manipur
Manipur became a
crucial theatre of military operations during the Indo-Japanese offensive of
1944. The INA forces fought with valour and courage despite the severe lack of
armaments and air support. Netaji had a firm belief that the control of Imphal
would lead to anti-British revolts in eastern India. In March,
1944, the Indo-Japanese forces crossed the Indian frontier from the Kennedy
Peak. They were confronted by the British army at three strategic points- Bishenpur, Sangshak and Pallel. The invading forces captured Pallel
and Tamu, which temporarily disrupted British defensive positions Lokendra
(1993).
A group headed by Koireng
welcomed the Indo-Japanese forces at Tronglaobi, Moirang. He extended
full cooperation and accompanied the Bahadur Group of INA to Moirang. Colonel Malik of the Bahadur Group hoisted the
springing tiger embossed tri-colour flag on 14th April at Moirang,
where the INA Memorial Complex stands today. This symbolised a momentary
assertion of sovereignty Dena (2016). The Provisional Government of Free India
put Moirang under its control.
However, the
initial momentum of the campaign soon encountered severe challenges. On 29th April, 1944, the Japanese (Yamamoto Detachment) and the INA
forces decided to attack the Pallel airfield
simultaneously from western and southern sides respectively. The attack failed
and proved to be a great setback. The INA and the Japanese forces based at Moirang were fighting hard against the British in and
around Bishenpur. The British could reinforce their
troops by rail and road up to Kohima and Assam while the Indo-Japanese were
finding it hard to do the same as monsoon had set in and converted Kabaw Valley, their main channel of communication to the
rear, into a veritable sea of mud making the movement of wheeled traffic and
supplies almost impossible. The Japanese had thought Imphal would fall in their
hands by the middle of April. Not only their plan failed, their
supply position also became precarious as the days passed. As shortages
of food, ammunition, and medical supplies intensified, the prospect of capturing
Imphal receded, ultimately forcing the Indo-Japanese forces to retreat.
INA Movement and people’s participation
The INA movement
in Manipur was characterised by active participation from diverse sections of
society. Among the Manipuris, Mairembam
Koireng Singh, who went on to become the first Chief
Minister of Manipur, and his team had gone to Burma to meet Netaji in 1944.
There they were received by the Indo-Japanese Advanced Party (Intelligence
group of the INA). Hemam Nilamani of Moirang also joined the INA and his residence became the
headquarters of the INA in Manipur. The British Political Agent declared him a traitor
and so he fled to Rangoon where he contributed 3000 rupees as war fund to
Netaji Dena (1991).
The INA also
distributed pamphlets to the people of Manipur seeking their support in the war
against British imperialism. Some pamphlets were also brought to Thokchom Angou
Singh of Singjamei who was the vice-president of the Praja Sanmelani. He explained the
message from Netaji and appealed to the people to extend their support to the
Indo-Japanese forces. The appeal was welcomed by the people especially the
leaders and workers of the Nikhil Manipuri Mahasabha who had identical ideas
and objectives. 13 members of the Mahasabha reached Moirang
secretly, joined the INA and worked together with the people living there. They
collected a large quantity of ration and carried out espionage activities. The
part of Manipur south of Ningthoukhong was liberated
from the British rule and brought under the control of the Provincial
Government of Free India for three months till 15th July,
1944. Under these circumstances, the then Political Agent of Manipur
blacklisted the 13 members of the Mahasabha and ordered the killing of some
leaders like Koireng, Nilamani, Sanaba, etc.
Women’s
participation was particularly noteworthy. Mention may be made of a few women
like M. Randhoni Devi and O. Keina Devi who
volunteered to be enlisted in the INA and joined the Jhansi Rani Regiment Shanti
Devi (2002). Ordinary villagers also showed their
support to the INA by giving food supplies, carrying out espionage activities
and in casualty evacuation. Such participation demonstrated that the INA
movement in Manipur was not merely a military episode
but a broader socio-political mobilisation rooted in popular support.
The battle between
the Japanese and the British at the Maibam Lokpa Ching (Red Hill) was the last losing ground of
Japanese army and retreated from Manipur without reaching Imphal. The Manipuris’ participation in the INA movement, thus, ended
with the retreat of the Indo-Japanese forces. Eventually, Koireng
and Nilamani were captured by the British government and imprisoned in Calcutta
and Rangoon respectively
Conclusion
Manipur became to
be an important battlefield of the Second World War which displaced large
number of people and brought normal life in the state to a standstill. Economy
was worst hit, agricultural activities had to be abandoned and scarcity became
widespread. Despite the failure to fulfil its military objective, the INA
movement aroused political consciousness and nationalism among the people of
Manipur to greater heights. The symbolic liberation of Moirang
and the hoisting of the INA flag remain enduring reminders of Manipur’s role in
India’s struggle for independence. The movement also brought about healthier
relations between the leaders of Manipur and those of India. It would not be
presumptuous to posit the foundation of the INA and its course of actions
immensely contributed to and hastened the attainment of India’s independence.
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
None.
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