ShodhKosh: Journal of Visual and Performing ArtsISSN (Online): 2582-7472
STRATEGIC USE OF EROTIC CAPITAL IN CHALLENGING PATRIARCHY: THE CASE OF KURIYEDATH THATRI AND ITS CINEMATIC REPRESENTATION IN PARINAYAM Vaidehi Rajagopalan 1, Dr. Ann Mary George 2 1 Research
Scholar, School of Social Sciences and Humanities, VIT-AP University,
Amaravati, Andhra Pradesh, India 2 Assistant
Professor Grade II, School of Social Sciences and Humanities, VIT-AP
University, Amaravati, Andhra Pradesh, India
1. INTRODUCTION The study of the social benefits of erotic capital has
increased in recent times. It has emerged as a thought-provoking and
controversial topic of discussion in social sciences, gender studies, etc. The
concept of erotic capital was coined by Catherine Hakim
(2011) in her book Honey Money, which refers to an
individual’s sexual attractiveness (p. 12). It encompasses a range of behaviors and attitudes that contribute to a person’s
ability to evoke desire in others on a sexual level. However, there are a lot
of debates on how erotic capital empowers an individual. People argue that the
use of erotic capital can objectify the bodies, especially of women, and
reinforce the prevailing stereotypes. But women using their bodies
intentionally to fulfill their needs is different from that of the other. The use of erotic power
to seek revenge, in particular, can boost
self-confidence and allows women to reclaim their control over their bodies and
challenge societal norms Lorde
(1978), p. 88. By placing it
within the theoretical context of erotic capital, the article examines how Thatrikutty, a captivating historical figure in Kerala,
used her erotic power to bring an end to the age-old patriarchal practice of smarthavicharam (a
chastity trial which was prevalent among the Namboodiri community of
Kerala). Prior to exploring the tale of Thatrikutty, the article provides an overview of the miserable condition of women in the Namboodiri community in Kerala and explains the concept of smarthavicharam, which was a trial held when the chastity of a Namboodiri woman was doubted. The article then explores the remarkable account of Thatrikutty, who marked an end to this trial within the Namboodiri community in Kerala. During smarthavicharam, the accused woman would be asked to disclose the name of the man with whom she was suspected of having a relationship, leading to her subsequent excommunication. Unlike others, Thatrikutty gave the names of sixty-four men with whom she had been in sexual relationships, since her childhood. She meticulously retained evidence of her relationships with these men, and demanded an equal punishment for all if she were to be punished at all and marked an end to smarthavicharam. This argument is also supported in the article with insights from two popular Malayalam works about Thatrikutty’s smarthavicharam, Lalithambika Antharjanam’s short story, “The Goddess of Revenge” (1997) and Matampu Kunjukuttan’s Outcaste or Bhrushtu (1996). According to Prasad (1999), Srinivas (2006), and Bhrugubanda (2018), the South Indian movies have an inseparable relation with politics and religion Sooraj et al. (2023), pp. 119-120. Movies adapted from the stories of historical figures can be taken as few of the examples for these (for instance, Unniyarcha (1961), Kayamkulam Kochunni (2018), Kerala Varma Pazhassi Raja (2009)). The article also adds to the study, a critical analysis of one such Malayalam movie Parinayam (1994), which is based on Thatrikutty’s life Amrita TV Archives. (2023), Asianetnews. (2013). Mohini (Unnimaya Antharjanam) is the female protagonist in the movie who faces smarthavicharam, soon after the death of her aged husband for having a sexual relationship with an upcoming Kathakali artist, Madhavan. While the film portrays a similar narrative, it fails to capture Thatrikutty’s strategic use of erotic capital, which had ultimately brought an end to smarthavicharam. Therefore, while highlighting Thatrikutty’s courageous resistance against patriarchal oppression with the use of erotic capital, the article also critically examines the absence of its portrayal in the movie, Parinayam. 2. METHODOLOGY The method adopted in this article was a qualitative approach. Lalithambika Antharjanam’s “The Goddess of Revenge” (1997), Matampu Kunjukuttan’s Outcaste or Bhrushtu (1996), and the movie Parinayam (1994) were used as the primary sources. Catherine Hakim’s book, Honey Money (2011), in which the concept of erotic capital was introduced, was used as the theoretical framework. It has followed a thematic analysis to study the strategic use of erotic capital that Thatrikutty adopted to challenge the patriarchal institution of smarthavicharam. Moreover, the article has done a comprehensive literature review to give a detailed understanding of Namboodiri community, the condition of Namboodiri women, and the practice of smarthavicharam. Critical and comparative analyses were carried out to exhibit the lack of portrayal of erotic capital in the movie Parinayam. It has also employed a discourse analysis of the movie to examine how the dialogues and communication contribute to the article’s objective. Several other articles and YouTube videos about Thatrikutty’s life, smarthavicharam, and filmmakers’ discussions on Parinayam were also referred as secondary sources to support the arguments made in the article. 3. WOMEN AND SMARTHAVICHARAM Until
the late seventeenth and early eighteenth centuries, the Namboodiri
community in Kerala remained among the highest ranks on the social ladder.
Being at the apex of the caste hierarchy, regimentation remained a common
practice among them. Education was strictly caste-based, with higher education
accessible only to Namboodiris. Sreekumar & K (2020) in their article, “Temporal
and Spatial Coordinates of Smarthavicharam”, elucidate about the interrelation between
Sanskrit and Namboodiris. The Namboodiris leveraged their monopoly over Sanskrit
as the rationale to maintain their supremacy in the caste hierarchy and for
their atrocities including murders (p. 5). They were reluctant to bring about
changes within the community. While
men in the community enjoyed their positions and advantages conferred by the
caste, the plight of women were markedly different. George (2018) in his article, “Role of
Women in the Transformation of Namboothiri Community in the 18th and 19th
Century Travancore”, points out that a Namboodiri woman was called antharjanam,
which literally meant, women inside the house. Despite the community’s elevated
status, many women wished that no one would ever be born as a Namboodiri
woman, due to the stark disparities in privilege within the caste (p. 784). M (2014) in her article, “The Plight
of Namboodiri Women in Colonial Kerala-Reading Through Lalithambika Antharjanam’s Cast Me
Out If You Will”, observes that the Namboodiri girls after reaching
puberty were called as asuryampasyakal
which meant those who were restricted to see the sun (p. 784). They had no
right over the property and were married off with high dowry (many of their
families going bankrupt), just to remain as a “good wife” and a “good mother”
inside the four walls of their husbands’ house. Their participation in public
meetings or employment were considered sinful. From the day of her birth, which
was considered as a disappointment for the family (p. 16), a Namboodiri woman
faced discrimination throughout her life. Rituals were performed to ensure the
birth of sons in the families, perpetuating the cycle of gender inequality. Education
for Namboodiri women is yet another aspect to be observed which was
considered immoral. Upanayana or the
ceremony which marked the beginning of education was practiced only for Namboodiri
boys Gladston (2006). It was even believed that
educating Namboodiri girls might lead to their widowhood in the future Gladston (2006). Additionally, the community
was concerned that educated women would question traditional beliefs and
customs, thereby challenging the established order Gladston (2006). They usually remained
inside their homes, and if at all had to go out, were supposed to cover their
faces with an umbrella, and were to be accompanied by a female companion M (2014) p. 784. This stringent
control over education and mobility further reinforced the subjugation and
seclusion of Namboodiri women within the patriarchal society. Child
marriage was prevalent within the community with girls as young as 5 to 7 years
old being married to much older men. These young brides found themselves
confined within the spaces at their husband’s houses, shrouded with mystery and
uncertainty. As polygamy was allowed, young women who were married to older
men, experienced domestic assaults from the other wives of her husband. Men
could have multiple marriages while widow remarriage was strictly restricted.
Widowed women wore white and were ostracized from all social gatherings M (2002), p. 43. Their heads were shaved and they were restricted from using luxury ornaments
(p. 43). They were only allowed to apply bhasmam (made of ashes of cow
dung) on their forehead and were even considered as a sign of ill fortune
within the community. As
understood by Sreekumar & K (2020) from Aji. K. M.’s insights
in “Temporal and Spatial Coordinates of Smarthavicharam”, central to the ethos of the Namboodiri community was to preserve
racial purity. This was achieved with stringent control over women’s sexuality
(p. 18). M (2002) in her PhD thesis, delves
into how the Namboodiri community meticulously safeguarded the “racial
purity”, both internally and externally. The internal purity was maintained by
controlling womens’ sexuality and bodies so as to not produce offspring from the blood of a non-Namboodiri
and external purity was secured by not touching anyone outside the community.
Paternity was highly revered and the glorification of
womanhood led many women to adhere to these patriarchal norms and beliefs
without external pressure (p. 82). Hence, their bodies came under the control
of the community’s entrenched biased structures. Additionally, exogamous marriages
were vehemently discouraged to protect the age-old traditions and beliefs which
were considered the soul of the community’s identity (p. 18). As
detailed by N (2021) in her article “Re-Reading Smarthavicharam”,
in order to keep the hold of enormous family
possessions undivided, the community only allowed the elder sons to get married
and often to multiple spouses. However, the younger sons could have sexual
relationships with women from the Nair
community, referred to as sambandham (p. 21). The condition of Namboodiri women
was different. A lifelong celibacy or an early marriage with aged men were the
options available to them. This reveals the piteous lives that Namboodiri
women had to lead, sequestered at their homes, with fully escorted and shrouded
movements. The
chastity of Namboodiri women held profound implications for their entire
lives. The Namboodiri communities followed their own laws to protect
their caste privilege M (2002), p. 46. If a Namboodiri
woman was suspected to have exercised her sexual agency voluntarily or
involuntarily, her chastity would be questioned by a trial called Smarthavicharam under a written approval from the king M (2002), p. 46. Revathy Hemachandran
and Vinay (2023) in their article,
“Traversing the Inner Courtyard to the Public Sphere: Exploring Lalithambika Antharjanam’s Short Stories as Narratives of Protest in
Early Twentieth Century Kerala”, explain that such punishments were maintained
to safeguard “the high-caste” woman’s sexuality and to protect “the purity of
the caste”. As a consequence, they were subjected to a
number of restrictions. The reasons for the trial were not always a sexual act
from the woman, but worthless causes ranging from, forgetting to carry an
umbrella, to being seen by a man other than her spouse, to prostitution (p. 6).
As
put forth by M (2002) in her PhD thesis, smarthavicharam usually had six stages: -dasivicharam, anjampurayilakkal,
swaroopam chollal, dehavichedanam, udakavicchedam,
and suddhabhojanam (pp. 47-48). Once found culpable, the
woman would be transferred to a different space (small and confined) known as Anjampura, with
the most trusted female servant (dasi) who would guard her from other men or from committing
suicide. The accused woman would thereafter be referred as sadhanam (p. 47). During
the entire trial-period, the family of the accused was also obliged to stay
away from “enjoying” the privileges of the caste. The accused’s family had to
spend a ransom amount to a team who would be appointed to conduct the trial,
headed by a judge or smarthan.
This group typically comprised two law experts (mimamsakas), one regulator of
order (akakoyma),
and one representative of the king (purakoyma) who usually carried a sword with him (p. 48).
Throughout the duration of the trial, the group would be treated with splendid
feasts and accommodation by the accused’s kinsmen who were obliged to
luxuriously entertain them after every day’s proceedings. The
trial commences outside the anjampura by reading out the king’s sanction. The
conversation between the smarthan
and the accused takes place through the medium of dasi, as the direct communication
between the first two was restricted M (2002), p. 49. The interrogation
would then begin by asking the whereabouts of the accused, for which the smarthan acts surprised at her shameless
situation. As soon as this is over, the smarthan, accompanied by the team, questions the
accused until she admits the offence charged against her, which in most cases,
might not happen soon. The team continues this practice as many days as the
accused takes to admit the offence. A report of the trial is submitted and read
out at the end of every day by the smarthan, subject to scrutiny by the akakoyma. Whenever the akakoyma finds any error in the smarthan’s description, he would remove a
piece of cloth from his shoulder and place it on the floor. The smarthan would take it as a clue and would correct
himself. Any further discrepancies would prompt the smarthan to revisit the accused to get the complete information for the
questions expected to have been asked and the cloth is replaced by the akakoyma on his
shoulder after that Sreekumar & K (2020). The trial continues till
the accused makes the confession, a process that could extend for weeks, months
or even years. Figure 1
Sreekumar & K (2020) in their article, “Temporal
and Spatial Coordinates of Smarthavicharam”, have explained that several insolent
measures were adopted to make the accused admit the “crime”. From rolling the
accused in a mat from the roof to the courtyard, to physical and emotional
harassment including continuous persuasion and starvation from the smarthan, the
proceedings were extreme (p. 13). In a further display of cruelty, the
accused’s room would be deliberately filled with rodents and poisonous snakes
like cobras (p. 13). Once the accused confesses, the trial moves onto the next
phase. The accused would be examined and re-examined to extract every detail
about her transgression. Efforts were made to identify the man responsible for
her pregnancy which might also take time. Moreover, the team would compel her
to reveal the man’s identity. The adulterer would get a chance to prove his
innocence through the boiling-oil ordeal (if the adulterer can retrieve an item
from the boiling oil without getting harmed, his innocence is proved) (p. 14).
A detailed record of the time, place, and occurrences would be meticulously
collected and recorded. Similar to that of the
previous days, the smarthan
would present the record in front of the whole team including the king, which
will again be inspected by the akakoyma. The adulterer’s name is revealed by a Tamil
Brahmin (kutti pattar), who
would then bathe in a pond to absolve himself of the sin of uttering the
former’s name (p. 15). As
added by M (2002), the verdict of the accused,
known as swaroopam chollal, will
be read out in public, followed by the hand-clapping ceremony or kaikottal which marks the official deprivation of
the accused from all the caste privileges. The smarthan declares the accused as
excommunicated and her umbrella (considered as the symbol of chastity and
status) is taken away from her by a person from the Nair community (pp. 51-52). As she walks out of the house, the
kinsmen perform rituals signifying her spiritual death, further cementing her
social demise. In case, if the woman had died during the
course of the trial, the same rituals (udakavicchedam) would be carried
out as if she were alive (p. 52). To signify the end of this ordeal, the
excommunicated woman’s family hosts a feast (suddhabhojanam) (p. 52), as a
form of purification. In most cases, men from different religions wait outside
the house to take her home for sexual needs or to offer her a marriage. Some
excommunicated women would relocate to a distant land for survival, join their
lovers, or may be forced into a life of prostitution. Having established a
thorough understanding of smarthavicharam and the Namboodiri community, the
article will now focus on Thatrikutty’s use of her
erotic capital against smarthavicharam. 4. EROTIC CAPITAL OF THATRIKUTTY: AN END TO SMARTHAVICHARAM The
chastity trial of Kuriyedath Thatri
in 1905 stands as a seminal event in the history of smarthavicharam, marking a
departure from the previous trials in several key aspects. Not only does it
shed light on her personal experiences, but also underscores its significance
on questioning the traditional conduct of smarthavicharam, which had
imposed stringent moral codes on women. The state’s active and direct
participation was notable in Thatri’s trial. It
gained attention in revealing how malleable the norms and beliefs of a
particular caste were. As mentioned by Rajeev Kumaramkandath
in his Ph. D thesis (2013), “The Discursive Formation of Sexual Subjects:
Sexual Morality and Homosexuality in Keralam”, smarthavicharam and Thatrikutty
are closely linked that the memories of one cannot exist without the other (p.
91). Thatri was born in 1885 to Ashtamurthy Namboodiri
of Kalpakasseri Illam at Arangottukara
of today’s Thrissur district. She got married at the age of ten to Raman Namboodiri
of Chemmanthitta Kuriyedath
Illam and later came to be known as Kuriyedath Thatri. While Thatri hadn’t even
reached her puberty at the time of her marriage, Raman Namboodiri was in
his early 60s and had many other wives. Later, she was accused of adultery and
the historic event of Kuriyedath Thatri’s
smarthavicharam
happened. In
her defiance against the patriarchal oppression of smarthavicharam, Thatri
wielded a potent form of power: erotic capital. During an era when Namboodiri
women remained veiled from the public eye, Thatrikutty
used her body to fight against the misogynistic system which resulted in the
excommunication of sixty-four men. Matampu Kunjukuttan’s Outcaste
or Bhrushtu (1996) clearly draws
in the picture of Thatrikutty as a Namboodiri woman
who used her sexuality to fight against the innumerable restrictions placed on
her. She intentionally got into sexual associations with several men and kept
the associations confidential (p. 9). Alankode Leelakrishnan begins his work, Thathrikuttiyude Smarthavicharam
with a quote of V. T. Bhattathirippadu which declares
Thatri’s revenge as a guerilla model warfare against
the patriarchal set up of Namboodiri community by using “the same plan”
of action that they used against her Sreekumar & K (2020), p. 38. By “the same plan”, he meant the use of her
body to question the community’s patriarchal system. To
understand how Thatrikutty employed this plan, one
must know what the concept of erotic capital is. Erotic capital is one of the
unidentified assets that has played a crucial role in social relations. It is
acquired as a result of a person’s sexual
attractiveness and is both culturally and socially important Hakim (2011), p. 12. Lorde (1978) in The Uses of Erotic asserts that erotic capital is a resource deeply
rooted in the power of a person’s unexpressed feelings (p. 87). Catherine Hakim (2011) in Honey Money states that, male judgments about sexual interaction
with women depended upon their erotic attractiveness (p. 140). This imbalance
in sexual interest among men and women, indirectly gave room for women to
exploit their erotic capital more (p. 40). Throughout
history, patriarchy has consistently objectified women’s eroticism and allure.
The reluctance of women to explore their erotic potential stems largely from
the stereotypes imposed by male dominance on female sexuality Lorde (1978), p. 88. However, a shift
occurred when women recognised and embraced their erotic power Lorde (1978), p. 90. There are several
instances where women have used it to fight against the patriarchal forces and
systems. Thatrikutty is one such example of a woman
who used her erotic power to question the chastity trial or smarthavicharam which was
prevalent in the Namboodiri community. While
Namboodiri women were trapped within the confines of false consciousness
dictating the ideals of womanhood, Thatrikutty
emerged as a vibrant and assertive young woman, opposing societal norms. She
became a vivacious woman who captivated the minds and dreams of both young and
old men alike Maddy. (2009). Despite the societal
constraints imposed on her, she began to engage in intimate encounters with
various men, ultimately becoming a sensual prostitute whose allure spoiled the
sleep of many Maddy. (2009). The only obstacle was her
identity, as people were aware of the consequences of having physical union
with a Namboodiri woman. Thus, she maintained the secrecy, knowing well
that ignorance on their part remained as an advantage for her. Lalithambika
Antharjanam in “The Goddess of Revenge” (1938) gives
a narration from Thatrikutty’s perspectives about
what led her to the deeds she conducted and how people reacted to it. She has
illustrated Thatri’s beauty through her protagonist’s
(Thatrikutty’s) reflections on her own allure and
vitality Krishnankutty (1998). According to her, And yet, when I combed my
hair, placed the bright red sinduram between my eyebrows, and peered out through the barred door, all I felt was a
desire to see the world, or, at most, an innocent longing that someone should
notice how beautiful I was. Krishnankutty (1998), p. 24 This
reflects Thatri’s confidence in her erotic power
which she navigated to seek revenge against the patriarchal forces. Her fame as
the most beautiful prostitute, as she was called, spread wide and all those who
met her left delighted Krishnankutty (1998), p. 27. In the short story,
Lalithambika Antharjanam narrates an event in Thatrikutty’s life when her husband, unaware of her true identity, approached her. She found herself triumphant
when her husband, who had previously shouted at her to “go and learn to be a
prostitute” Krishnankutty (1998), p. 27, acknowledged her as
the most intelligent and passionate woman he had ever encountered. After
experiencing a lasting impression, he realised she was Thatrikutty,
his wife. This revelation paved the way for the historic smarthavicharam of Kuriyedath
Thatri Krishnankutty (1998), pp. 27-28. As
mentioned by Lalithambika Antharjanam in her short
story, Thatrikutty’s smarthavicharam happened soon after her
husband got to know about her involvements with many men. During the time of her trial, Thatri sat with a serene face ready to answer the
questions. She reflected the power of a bold and beautiful woman who had been
controlling many sexually deprived men for the past few years. The smarthan who monitored Thatrikutty’s
trial was Jathavedan Namboodiri. Unlike
others, Thatri accepted the offences imposed on her
without any reluctance and began to list the names of sixty-four men who had
been in sexual relation with her. But she stated that the rule of law must be
performed equally. If she was meant to be punished, then all the men who were
involved in sexual relations with her must also be pronounced guilty. This
turned things upside down and brought a remarkable change in the history of smarthavicharam.
Contrary to the tradition where only Thatri would
have been held accountable, the king agreed for an impartial justice, ordering
an investigation upon all the men involved. As the names started to come out,
men quivered, some fleeing from the nation, and others fervently performing poojas in hope that Thatri
would forget their names. Anticipating the chastity trial of smarthavicharam in
her future, Thatrikutty had kept the proofs of those
liaisons in the form of rewards she received in return or through a record of
birth marks like moles on bodies of the men involved Kunjukuttan (1996), p. 9. She had an account of
the exact place, time, and special days of festivals when the unions took
place. It is also believed that the trial was shut when Thatri
showed a ring to the king before disclosing the sixty fifth name, suggesting a
possible direct connection to the king himself, either as the sixty-fifth man
or someone very close to him in stature Asianetnews. (2023). It is also rumored that she could have gone from sixty-five to sixty
thousand names if it hadn’t stopped then Maddy. (2009). Along with her
excommunication, she also brought down many of them who held esteemed positions
in society Mohanan (2013), p. 109. Figure 2
M (2002) has illustrated the details
of the sixty-four men named by Kuriyedath Thatri during the trial. Having her first experience with
her music teacher, the list included men from different socio-cultural
backgrounds who were highly revered in the society, including scholars,
artists, astrologers, actors, etc. (p. 64). The first was from her music
teacher Pushpakath Narayanan Nambeeshan
at the kulappura
(bathhouse) when she came to take a bath, even before reaching an age where she
could realise what was happening. The second was with her maternal uncle Okki Illath Itteri
Namboodiri who also mediated for the third with Akazhi
Namboodiri who asked for it in return for the necklace he gave her (p.
59). The fourth was with her childhood friend, Mundayoor
Illath Madhavan Namboodiri and thereafter with
her sister’s husband when they came for her sister’s delivery. The latter had
some beautiful collections of mundu with him and he agreed to give one of those to Thatri in return for physical union with her (p. 60). Her father
also took advantage of her while she was massaging him during his stomach
ailment (p. 61). She was asked for sexual unions from other close relatives
such as her cousin, Kalpakassery Narayanan
Namboodiri (p. 62). The
most remarkable among these was her relations with Kathakali artists. Thatri’s request to play the role of Lalitha in the play Narakasuravadham
was accepted by Narikotta Raman Nair in return
for a sexual offering from her. Another prominent Kathakali artist was Kavungal Sankara Panicker who was invited by Thatri to Kalpakassery (her
house) to perform Cholliyattam
(a Kathakali performance) for her. The play was Keechakavadham from the Mahabharata. In one scene, an
infatuated Keechaka urges Draupadi to meet him.
Instead, Bhima disguises himself as Draupadi and ultimately kills Keechaka. This specific enactment which involves Bhima
concealing under a sheet while Keechaka mistaking
Bhima for Draupadi, generates an erotic moment in the play. It ended up with
the physical union of Thatri and Kavungal
Sankara Panicker as Keechaka and Bhima laid
together in the scene M (2002), p. 64. All these were among
a few from the list of sixty-four men which comprised men from “prominent”
caste groups including Namboodiri, Nair, Nambyar,
etc. As noted by Sreekumar & K (2020) in “Temporal and Spatial
Coordinates of Smarthavicharam”,
many influential men were already aware of Thatri’s
relationships but chose not to report them, as they were among those on whom
the responsibility to maintain the laws of the caste system rested (p. 30). In spite of the mens’ attempts to refute Thatri’s accusations with various explanations, she
presented strong evidence against each one, leaving no room for escape from
excommunication. With the king’s scrutiny of the data collected from smarthan, all the implicated men were deemed guilty,
and the king agreed to mete out equal punishments for all. However, many men
tried to disprove Thatri by stating her as mentally
unstable. As mentioned by M (2002), out of the sixty-four men,
two had already died and three could not attend due to illness. Even though
none among them accepted their involvement, neither could they prove their
innocence. The smarthan even praised her for
her intense memory and the strong arguments (p. 70). Thatrikutty ingeniously turned the very system that oppressed her,
against the patriarchal forces that wielded it. Her trial is believed to have signaled the demise of the entire system of smarthavicharam Chandwani (2022). As part of Chithra Mohanan (2013) analysis of Madampu Kunjukuttan’s novel Bhrushtu or Outcaste
in her PhD thesis “Tradition in Madampu Kunjukuttan’s Novel”, she states that Thatrikutty
(represented by the character Papthikutty in the novel) used her erotic power to fight
against a community that upheld women’s chastity, which they believed could be
tainted even by a man’s gaze (p. 112). With her enhanced beauty, Thatrikutty used her body to survive and abolish an age-old
patriarchal tradition that controlled a woman’s sexual freedom (p. 109). In
Lalithambika Antharjanam’s rendition, “The Goddess of
Revenge”, Thatrikutty emerges as a complex character,
portrayed from her own perspective. She argues passionately that her actions
were a form of resistance against the patriarchal structures that subjugated
women, to highlight the inherent strength and desires of Namboodiri
women that society often overlooked and suppressed Krishnankutty (1998), p. 25. Her act is mentioned
to have not only served as a protest but also as a beacon of hope for the
entire Namboodiri women community. The narrative underscores Thatri’s pivotal role in emancipating women from the
shackles of smarthavicharam,
emphasizing that she is a figure no Namboodiri woman should ever forget Krishnankutty (1998), p. 29. Her trial sparked
vital discussions about the entrenched oppressive beliefs within caste systems,
opening new avenues for challenging age-old norms. Despite
these attempts, she faced widespread disdain from her community. According to
the information gathered and shared by News18 Kerala on their YouTube channel,
it seems that even after many years since her death, Thatrikutty
continues to face significant rejection from the residents of her hometown. She
is merely considered as, a woman whose actions caused shame for her family,
that ended up in their departure from their hometown and the subsequent burning
of their illam
(their house) out of disgrace News18 Kerala. (2024). There
are numerous other literary works about Thatrikutty’s
smarthavicharam.
Thathrikuttiyude Smarthavicharam by
Alankode Leelakrishnan, Kuriyedath Thathri by
Nandan, and Smarthavicharam
by P Bhaskaranunni are some of these. Additionally,
several short stories by Lalithambika Antharjanam
have also delved into this subject matter. One of the notable critical
examinations of this narrative is Oduvil Kunhikrishna Menon’s Aparaadhiyaya Antharjanam. These literary explorations
contribute a deeper understanding and dialogue, surrounding Thatrikutty’s
story and the practice of smarthavicharam. 5. THE LACK OF PORTRAYAL OF EROTIC CAPITAL IN PARINAYAM The story of Thatrikutty has been
explored in various ways, blended with different fictional narratives and
ideologies Kumaramkandath (2013), p. 142. The
1994 Malayalam movie Parinayam
stands as a profound portrayal of the struggles and triumphs of Namboodiri
women, inspired by the life of Thatrikutty. This film
mirrors the harsh realities faced by Namboodiri women, who lived in the
shadows of a society that was dictated by stringent customs and archaic
beliefs. Here, we examine the lack of portrayal of erotic capital in the
representation of Thatrikutty, through the character
of Unnimaya Antharjanam, enacted by the actress Mohini. Directed by Hariharan and written by M. T. Vasudevan Nair, Parinayam
revolves around the mental and physical dilemma that a Namboodiri widow
had to experience for losing her “chastity”. As mentioned by its writer and
director, the movie is a cinematic representation of the life of Kuriyedath Thatri Asianetnews. (2023), Asianetnews. (2013). The
protagonist, Unnimaya Antharjanam
(Mohini), a young Namboodiri woman, is married to Palakkunnath Namboodiri (Jagannatha Varma), a man as
old as her grandfather and faces physical and verbal abuse from the other wives
of her husband. Upon Palakkunnath Namboodiri's death, shortly after their
marriage, Unnimaya
gets stuck into the solitary life of a widow, deprived from all societal
connections and joy. Her plight intensifies when she falls in love with an
upcoming Kathakali artist, Madhavan (Vineeth) and subsequently becomes pregnant. As
mentioned before, being a Namboodiri woman, Unnimaya is then subjected to smarthavicharam
resulting in her being labeled as sadhanam. S (2022) in her
article, “Unveiling the Veiled: Cinematic Representation of Widowhood in India
with Specific Reference to the Kerala Society”, points out that the remaining
part of the movie shows the psychological and physiological trauma that the
protagonist undergoes throughout the trial (p. 24). Nevertheless, the movie
concludes with her rejection of Madhavan and her attainment of financial independence (p. 24). In the movie, Unnimaya’s trial has
similarity with that of Thatrikutty’s, particularly
in the revolutionary way she answers the questions posed to her. She
interrogates the smarthan
and the other members in the trial team with evidence drawn from the
traditional texts, surprising them with her assertiveness. As mentioned before,
a dasi stands as an intermediate between the
accused and the trial team
M (2002), p. 49, since the former was not allowed to communicate
directly to the latter. However, Unnimaya challenges this by asking the smarthan
whether he cannot hear her voice directly. She states that it would be easier
to speak for herself rather than relying on the dasi, shocking the trial team.
She firmly denies committing any crime when questioned by the smarthan, and
steps out of her room to confront the men assembled. She openly admits her
pregnancy and declares it as not a mistake, justifying that she is a woman, and
women are created by god with the ability to give
birth, shifting the blame to god’s design. When the smarthan states that the Vedas prohibit a widow from becoming
pregnant, Unnimaya counters by pointing out that, Vyasa Muni, the author of the Vedas himself used a widow’s body to
conceive a son Millennium Cinemas. (2015). Unnimaya didn’t choose to terminate her pregnancy,
even though doing so would have allowed to avoid the trial. Unnimaya’s
decision, despite Maadhu’s (one of Unnimaya’s maids) suggestion to have an abortion Millennium Cinemas. (2015), was in the
hope of Madhavan’s return. When asked who was responsible for her pregnancy, Unnimaya boldly declares it was many men, echoing Thatrikutty’s own declaration of naming 64 men Millennium Cinemas. (2015). However, the
motivations behind their actions differ significantly. Even though Unnimaya is against the practice of smarthavicharam,
her stance was aimed at protecting her lover, Madhavan, who had requested her not to reveal his name Millennium Cinemas. (2015), while Thatrikutty’s was a strategic action to dismantle the
practice. The distinction is critical, as it highlights Unnimaya’s departure from Thatrikutty’s use of
erotic capital as a tool of resistance. This calls for a criticism for the
film’s lack of depiction of erotic capital, in the context of Thatrikutty’s real-life story. Figure 3
The lack of portrayal of erotic capital can be attributed to
various reasons. As Lorde (1978) in Uses of Erotic explains, women’s erotic
power has been warned by patriarchal forces, misnaming it as pornographic (p.
88). In a patriarchal society, if the real story were depicted, the film might
not have received a positive response. Moreover, the belief in such a society
that a woman’s strength lies in suppressing her erotic power (p. 88), could
have influenced the decision of the filmmakers, to avoid portraying how Thatrikutty used her erotic power in real life. Given the
movie’s wide audience, the filmmakers might have intentionally steered clear of
showing this aspect. Over time, the stories of historical figures often evolve when
adapted in art and literature leading to changes. Similarly, Thatrikutty’s story is transformed by the removal of sexual
elements, placing her as a moral symbolic figure. This reinterpretation created
a gap between her actual deeds and how she got remembered Kumaramkandath (2013), p. 141. The
movie, Parinayam, represented the character Unnimaya in a way so as to suit
the time period and societal thoughts. Moreover, there are several scenes that
indirectly criticise Thatrikutty’s actions. For
instance, when Madhavan meets Unnimaya to request not
to reveal his name during the trial as it would ruin his reputation and career
as a Kathakali artist, Unnimaya responds that
she won’t, questioning what she would gain by destroying someone’s life, Pedikkanda, oraale nashippichittu enikkenthu kittaan? (Trans. Don’t be afraid, what will I gain by destroying someone?) (1:49:37-1:49:45, Millennium Cinemas. (2015) This is an indirect critcism towards Thatrikutty, who had named 64 men who had to suffer for
their deeds. Even though the movie is an adaptation of Thatrikutty’s
life, this particular scene subtly conveys criticism
of her actions. One might argue that Unnimaya’s lack
of use of erotic capital, unlike Thatrikutty, can be
attributed to their different life situations. The movie does not portray the
sexual abuse Thatrikutty faced; instead, it focuses
on Unnimaya’s grief resulting from her lover’s
denial. However, this cannot justify the omission of erotic capital, as it is
part of the movie’s attempt to sanitize Thatrikutty’s
story. Unnimaya’s characterisation is one of
victimhood and purity, devoid of the strategic use of her sexuality that Thatrikutty had used.
Moreover, by tracing Unnimaya’s path towards
financial independence and self-assertion rather than portraying the use of
erotic capital as a form of resistance, the film reshapes Thatrikutty’s
story into one that fits the prevailing cultural values of the time 6. CONCLUSION With
a nuanced understanding of her actions, the article finds out how Thatrikutty ingeniously leveraged her erotic capital to
challenge the oppressive system of smarthavicharam, within
the Namboodiri community of Kerala. By naming sixty-four men (with
evidence to identify them) as accused, Thatrikutty
demanded equal punishment for all involved and marked an end to the chastity
trial. The article also strengthens this argument with propositions from
Lalithambika Antharjanam’s “The Goddess of Revenge”
and Matampu Kunjukuttan’s Outcaste
or Bhrushtu,
which have attempted to provide the story from Thatrikutty’s
own perspectives. The
article also argues that the 1994 Malayalam movie Parinayam, which is based on the
story of Thatrikutty Amrita TV Archives. (2023), Asianetnews. (2013), falls short in portraying
her use of erotic capital to question the system. The film’s omission of the
explicit use of erotic capital, which was a significant aspect of Thatrikutty’s resistance, reflects societal expectations
and cultural norms that often suppress womens’ erotic
power. Parinayam presents a sanitised version
of Thatrikutty’s story, thereby redesigning her to
fit the cultural and moral framework of its time. This analysis calls for the
need to bring more authentic representations of womens’
use of erotic capital as a resistance against patriarchal oppression. Although Thatrikutty is widely acknowledged among literary writers and thinkers for her use of erotic power, she continues to face criticism and rejection from her local community. However, the article underscores the pivotal role of a woman’s erotic capital in challenging the patriarchal beliefs and customs that have restricted womens’ sexual freedom. Overall, this study contributes to the ongoing discussions about the benefits of erotic capital, focusing its potential for empowerment when used intentionally by women.
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